
MAN OF JUSTICE, MAN OF PEACE
THE MAN WHO LOVES LEBANON

Aoun, Michel (1935- ), born in Harat Hurayk, was the
prime minister of Lebanon (1988-1990) and the general who had commanded the
Lebanese Army from the mid 1980s. Aoun was a highly respected officer and the
men under his command were extremely loyal to him.
Aoun showed promise as a young officer and progressed quickly throughout the
ranks. He trained as an artillery officer at Fort Sill in the United States and
at the French military college of Chalons-sur-Marne, by the early 1980s Aoun
began to get noticed and was forging a outstanding reputation.
During the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon, as the Israeli Army approached the
Presidential Palace, Aoun tried to halt their advance, he and his troops squared
off against the Israelis. Only direct intervention from the president prevented
the two forces from engaging each other.
In 1983 Aoun was commader of the Army's 8th Brigade and was responsible for the
bitter defence of Souk el Gharb which was assualted by Syria and her allies.
By 1984 he had risen to the rank of Brigadier General.
In 1988 Aoun became prime minister of an interim government, he proceeded to
crack down on the various militia groups in the country and waged a 'War of
Liberation' against the Syrian Army in Lebanon. He also demand that the Israelis
withdraw. The scale of his public support and popularity across the board
had never been experienced before in Lebanon. For a number of months tens of
thousands of people would take to the streets in public shows of support, this
became widely known as the 'Aoun Phenomenon'.
Between January and the end of May 1990 took on the Lebanese Forces. In the five
months of intense and savage fighting that followed both sides became so
weak that they could no longer put up an effective fight against the Syrians.
In October 1990 after having rejected the Taif Accord, Aoun was removed from
power by Syrian and pro-Syrian forces and exiled to France.
Aoun still has a very large following among the people of Lebanon and amongst
large numbers of the Lebanese Army.
Lebanon's former Prime Minister, Army Commander General Michel Aoun
Place
and Date of Birth: Born in Haret
Hraik, Lebanon, on February 18, 1935. Son of Naim Aoun
(land farmer) and Marie Aoun.
Sect: Maronite.
Family Background: Born to a poor family in Haret Hraik, a
mixed Muslim-Christian suburb south of Beirut, Aoun is remembered by many as an
intelligent, hardworking child who transcended the difficult conditions of his
youth. At age six, British and Australian allied forces evicted his family and
occupied their house. As a child, he was forced to withdraw from school for an
entire year for economic reasons and take a free apprenticeship in industrial
drawing (he completed two years of coursework when he went back to school the
following year so as not to fall behind). Although his family was deeply
religious and he attended Catholic schools, Aoun established close friendships
with many Muslims during his early years. "We never distinguished between
Ali and Peter, or between Hassan and Michel," he later recalled. "We
ate together and slept at each other's homes. Their holidays were ours and our
holidays were theirs."
Marital status: Married to
Nada Chami with three children: Mireille, Claudine, Chantal.
Education: Completed his secondary school education at the
Ecole de Freres Chretien in Jumayza in Beirut, with a Second Baccalaureate
degree. In 1955, he entered the Military Academy in Beirut and graduated in
1959. He specialized in artillery in his military career. He studied at
Challonssur-Marne in France (1958-59) and at Fort Sill Artillery School in
Oklahoma (1966). From 1978 to 1980 he received training at the prestigious Ecole
Superieure de Guerre in Paris (1978-80).
Political Career: Appointed
Prime Minister by Former Lebanese President Amine Gemayel in September 1988.
Aoun was propelled onto the political scene when Gemayel, 10 minutes before the
end of his presidential mandate, appointed him head of a transitional government
tasked with preparing elections.
However, on October 13, 1990, a Syrian-led
military operation, in which fighter planes were used by the Syrians for the
first time in Lebanon, invaded what was termed by Aoun as the liberated areas of
Lebanon. Prime Minister Michel Aoun was forced to take refuge in the French
Embassy. The French President, Francois Mitterand, declared that General Aoun's
safety was a matter of honor to France, and negotiated Prime Minister General
Michel Aoun's safe departure to France along with members of his government.
Medals and Award: Lesion
D'Honneur Commander Commemorative Medal on December 31, 1961; Lebanese Merit
Order, Third Class in 1971; War Medal on June 11, 1975; National Order of Cedar,
Knight, in 1983; Lebanese Merit Order, Second Class, in 1983; War Medal on
September 12, 1983; War Medal on September 13, 1983; War Medal on September 16,
1983; Casualties Medal on September 10, 1983; National Order of Cedar; Grand
Cordon on November 25, 1988.
Contact information: In Lebanon: Rabiyeh, Metn. In France:
Haute Maison.
Military Career:
Graduated
form the Military Academy on September 30, 1958 as sub lieutenant in artillery.
Promoted to First Lieutenant on July 1, 1961, to Captain on August 1, 1968, to
Major on January 1, 1974, to Lieutenant-Colonel on March 1, 1975, to
Colonel on January 1, 1980, and to Brigadier on January 1, 1984.
During the course of his military career, Aoun earned a reputation for honesty,
integrity, and sectarian impartiality that was unrivaled at that time.
In 1982 he became commander of the then newly established 8th Brigade of the
Lebanese Army, and in August 1983 he was placed in charge of the Souk al-Gharb
region, which witnessed fierce battles against the incursions of Syrian-armed
proxy militias. In 1983, Aoun's 8th Brigade defeated Syrian-backed militia
forces attempting to overrun the strategic Souk al-Gharb pass overlooking the
capital, a battle which one scholar called "the closest thing to real
combat the Lebanese Army had ever experienced."
In recognition of his heroic defense of the capital, Aoun was appointed
Brigadier-General. On June 23, 1984, president Amin Gemayel named him
commander-in-chief of the armed forces, making Aoun the youngest officer to head
the army. This step followed the Luzanne reconciliation conference in
Switzerland (June 1984) when Lebanon's new "national unity" government
fired the commander of the Lebanese Army, General Ibrahim Tannous, who was
considered to have sectarian biases. Aoun was handpicked with strong consensus
to replace him.
Earlier on, as Lebanon slipped into civil war in the mid-1970's and the army
fractured along sectarian lines, Aoun devotion to the central government
remained unshaken. In the early 1980's Aoun was head of the "Defense
Brigade" of the Lebanese army, a unit stationed along the "Green
Line" separating East and West Beirut. During the 1982 Israeli invasion of
Lebanon, Aoun commanded his troops to block Israeli forces advancing on the
presidential palace and was prepared to open fire until President Elias Sarkis
personally ordered him to stand down. No other Christian officer attempted to
confront the invading army.
Historical Background
President
Amin Gemayel's term of office was nearing its end, and the different Lebanese
factions could not agree on a candidate to be his successor. Consequently, when
Gemayel's term expired on September 23rd of that year, he appointed Army
Commander General Michel Aoun as Lebanon's Prime Minister.
General Aoun formed a 6-member military government government that worked toward
the reunification of all parts of Lebanon, freeing Lebanon from all foreign
armies, and the restoration of democracy and freedom in Lebanon. Meanwhile,
Gemayel's acting prime minister, Salim Hoss, also continued to act as the de
facto prime minister. As a result, Lebanon was divided between a Syrian-backed
government in west Beirut, and the constitutionally legal government of General
Aoun in east Beirut.
In March 1989, an attempt by Prime Minister General Michel Aoun to close all
illegal seaports, and stop all kinds of drug production and smuggling, led to
what has come to be known as "Hareb al Tahreer" or Liberation War.
Syrian forces in the occupied parts of Lebanon opened fire on the liberated
areas in order to bring down the Lebanese government's agenda. Lebanon's army
under the command of Prime Minister General Michel Aoun defended the liberated
areas against the Syrian attacks. Shelling by the Syrians and their
counter-parts caused nearly 1000 deaths and several thousand injuries, and
further destruction of Lebanon's economic infrastructure.
In May 1989, the Arab League empowered a High Committee on Lebanon, composed of
Saudi King Fahed, Algerian President Benjidid, and Moroccan King Hassan, to work
toward a solution in Lebanon. In July 1989, the Committee issued a report
accusing Syria of assailing Lebanon's freedom and independence. After further
discussions, the committee arranged for a cease-fire in September, followed by a
meeting of Lebanese parliamentarians in Taef, Saudi Arabia. After a month of
intense discussions, the Lebanese deputies were forced and bribed by Syria to
agree on a Charter of National Reconciliation also known as the Taef Agreement.
In this agreement Syria would redeploy its soldiers in Lebanon, rather than
withdrawing.
The Lebanese population residing within the liberated parts of Lebanon opposed
the Taef Agreement, as it violates national sovereignty. For this, Prime
Minister Aoun issued a decree in early November dissolving the Lebanese
parliament, calling for elections under the supervision of the United Nations.
In November 1989 the dissolved parliament met at the Qleiat Air Base in northern
Lebanon, where they approved the Taef Agreement and elected Rene Moawad as a
president. Moawad was assassinated on November 22 by a bomb planted in his
armored car, although he was under strong Syrian protection.
Following Moawad's assassination, the dissolved parliament met on November 24 in
the Beqaa Valley and elected Elias Hrawi to replace him. The Syrians renewed
their attacks on the liberated Lebanese areas. Meanwhile, hundreds of thousands
of Lebanese citizens rallied around the Lebanese Presidential Palace (Beit el
Shaab) to show their support of Prime Minister General Michel Aoun, and to
defend it against Syrian attacks.
On October 13, 1990, a Syrian-led military operation, in which fighter planes
were used by the Syrians for the first time in Lebanon, invaded the liberated
areas of Lebanon. Prime Minister Michel Aoun was forced to take refuge in the
French embassy. The French President, Francois Mitterand, declared that General
Aoun's safety was a matter of honor to France, and negotiated Prime Minister
General Michel Aoun's safe departure to France along with members of his
government.
The Revolt Against Syria
In the fall of 1988, Syria and the Christian Lebanese Forces (LF) militia
brought about a political crisis by preventing parliament members in areas under
their control to convene and elect a new president. Damascus, which staunchly
opposed the election of any candidate unwilling to sign a treaty recognizing
Syrian hegemony in Lebanon, wagered that the demise of the Lebanese Republic
would create a political vacuum in which it could dominate the entire country.
However, fifteen minutes before the expiration of his term, outgoing president
Amin Gemayel appointed a military caretaker government, headed by Aoun as
interim prime minister, to run the country until parliament could elect a new
president. Although his government was clearly constitutional, 4 the Syrians
backed the formation of a rival regime, supported by their client militias, in
West Beirut. While Aoun's government was officially and implicitly recognized by
several countries, most countries declined to formally recognize either regime.
At the time of Aoun's appointment, the Lebanese government controlled only a
small area of the country, comprising parts of East Beirut and the surrounding
suburbs. Arguing that the democratic process could not function while the vast
majority of the country remained occupied by rival militias and the military
forces of Syria and Israel, Aoun resolved to restore the authority of the state.
In February 1989, Aoun traveled to a meeting of Arab foreign ministers in
Tunisia and received strong support for the restoration of Lebanese sovereignty.
After his return, Aoun responded to provocations from the LF militia by ordering
the 15,000 Lebanese army troops under his command into action. After a series of
engagements, Lebanese army units seized the port of Beirut and other
economically vital facilities. This was the first time that government authority
had been restored to a militia-controlled area since the beginning of the civil
war in 1975. That Aoun chose to target the main militia of his own Maronite
community evoked expressions of surprise and satisfaction from Lebanese Muslims,
whose victimization at the hands of the LF had never before elicited state
intervention.
Next, Aoun enforced a maritime blockade of illegal ports run by Syrian-allied
Druze and Shi'ite militias in West Beirut. When the Syrians responded by
shelling civilian areas of East Beirut, Aoun declared war on Syria's occupation
forces on March 14, 1989. "The question is no longer one of ports," he
proclaimed, " . . . we have passed this and defined the ceiling--Syrian
withdrawal from Lebanon." The Syrian and Lebanese armies clashed
intermittently over the next six months amid fruitless mediation efforts by the
Arab League, destroying much of Beirut and instigating an exodus of over one
million inhabitants from the city.
Despite the enormous destruction visited upon the inhabitants of the 300-square
mile enclave controlled by his forces, popular support for Aoun's war against
the Syrian military skyrocketed. The Washington Post eloquently captured the
revolutionary spirit prevailing in East Beirut and across the country:
The horror of those who survived has given way to a sense of defiance and exultation that is not easy to comprehend except for those touched by Aoun's cry for freedom . . . While giving the appearance of being only a professional soldier and officer, Aoun nevertheless has reached across religious boundaries and into the hearts of many Lebanese. If the groundswell of his public support endures through more war and destruction, many observers say, Aoun could go down as a revolutionary hero in Lebanon's history.
"We have decided to fight and we are sure to win," Aoun explained in an April 1989 interview. "If we lose, at least we will be giving our children the right to claim their country, but we are not going to concede it to the Syrians." Aoun acknowledged that Syria had U.S. support in its war against Lebanon, but insisted that American democratic ideals would ultimately prevail. "Even if the United States is supporting Syrian policy in Lebanon for the moment, it cannot go much further if there is a Lebanese leader, with some strength and popular support from public opinion, asking for the liberation of his country."
By the end of the summer, however,
it was clear that intervention by the international community was not
forthcoming, so Aoun agreed to an Arab League-brokered cease-fire in September
1989. After the cease-fire, a Saudi and American-sponsored meeting of Lebanese
parliamentarians was organized in Taef, Saudi Arabia, ostensibly to approve an
agreement that would provide for the unification of Lebanon and the withdrawal
of Syrian forces from the country. The final agreement did not, however, call
for a Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon (Syrian officials objected to such wording,
claiming that it would give Aoun a moral victory); rather, it stipulated only a
limited redeployment to the Beqaa Valley within two years, after which "the
Syrian government and the Lebanese national accord government shall decide on
the redeployment of the Syrian forces" in the future. After heavy doses of
intimidation by Syrian intelligence,7 followed by the verbal promises of
American officials to rein in Damascus after Aoun's departure, the Lebanese
delegates signed the so-called "Taef Accord."
Aoun rejected the agreement for a number of reasons, mainly because it failed to
provide for a Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon. The agreement also stipulated
constitutional changes which, according to Aoun, required the democratic consent
of the Lebanese people--not merely the rubber stamp approval of delegates from
the traditional political class which bore responsibility for the war
(parliamentary elections had not been held since 1972). The Syrians and their
allies in West Beirut steadfastly refused to either subject the agreement to a
popular referendum or permit modification at a later date by a
legitimately-elected parliament. In accordance with the Taef Accord, the
remaining members of the Lebanese parliament met at a Syrian-controlled air
force base in November 1989 and elected Rene Moawad as President of Lebanon.
After his assassination just weeks after assuming office, Elias Hrawi was
elected to succeed him.
A 1989 rally in support of Aoun remained defiantly entrenched in the
presidential palace and, despite (or perhaps because of) having incurred the
united hostility of Lebanese militia commanders and traditional elites, still
commanded an unprecedented level of popular support. Hundreds of thousands of
Lebanese flocked to the presidential palace in late December 1989 to form a
"human shield" around the compound after Syrian military forces
surrounding the free enclave began massing for an imminent invasion. The
presence of thousands of Shi'ite and Sunni Muslim Lebanese at these
demonstrations illustrated the multi-confessional appeal of Lebanon's first
popular nationalist movement. Sunni religious leaders in West Beirut sent a
"Muslim Solidarity Delegation," led by Sheikh Hassan Najar, who gave
numerous rousing speeches during the demonstrations.
Despite his continuing popular support within Lebanon, however, outside
developments doomed Aoun's "revolution" to failure. After the Iraqi
invasion of Kuwait in August 1990, the American government desperately sought
Syria's participation in the U.S.-led coalition against Baghdad. In return for
Syrian support, the Bush administration gave Syria a green light to complete its
conquest of Lebanon.8 On the morning of October 13, 1990, Syrian air and ground
forces launched an all-out invasion of East Beirut and the surrounding areas
controlled by Aoun's government. Realizing that further resistance would only
lead to needless loss of life, Aoun went to the French embassy to negotiate a
cease-fire under French auspices. As the scale of massacres and mayhem escalated
and the presidential palace fell into the hands of the Syrians, Aoun accepted
the French ambassador's offer of political asylum. Declaring that Aoun's safety
was a "matter of honor," French President Francois Mitterand
negotiated the beleaguered general's departure for exile in France ten months
later.
After the Fall
Since his departure for exile in France, Aoun's predictions about what would
become of Lebanon under Syrian tutelage have proven to be hauntingly accurate.
Rather than withdrawing as promised, Syrian military forces have become more
entrenched over the last ten years. Rather than restoring Lebanese sovereignty,
Syrian officials asserted direct control over the Lebanese political system.
Rather than experiencing a respite from the "disappearances" of the
civil war, Lebanese have endured arbitrary arrests and detention by Syrian
intelligence.
Despite his continuing exile in France, Aoun has remained the country's most
prominent opposition figure. Although support for Aoun is most visible within
the Christian community, where criticism of the Syrian occupation is less taboo,
he has also retained considerable popularity among Lebanese Muslims in the
decade following his ouster. According to a 1996 study by Judith Palmer Harik of
the American University of Beirut, Aoun ranked third among Shi'ite respondents
asked to name their most preferred Lebanese leader in an open-ended survey. In
light of the high religiosity of the Shi'ite community, it is not surprising
that two prominent and influential clerical leaders ranked above Aoun. What is
surprising is that Aoun ranked above Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, the
country's leading Shi'ite politician.9
Until recently, Aoun's followers in Lebanon neglected to establish a
highly-structured organization, in part to escape persecution by Syrian and
Lebanese intelligence. Around 4,000 "Aounists" have been arrested and
detained since 1990. In recent years, as the scale of persecution gradually
declined, the movement became consolidated as the Free National Current (Al-Tayyar
al-Watani al-Hurr). The FNC has become particularly active in professional and
academic circles, counting over 600 teachers, 730 engineers, 300 lawyers and 250
dentists among its members. Since April of last year, the FNC has organized
numerous demonstrations drawing thousands of Lebanese into the streets. In
addition, FNC student activists have launched a highly successful campaign to
protest the continuing presence of nearly 1 million Syrian workers in the
country by performing menial labor tasks typically done by Syrians laborers.
As public opposition to Syrian hegemony has intensified since the spring of
1999, Lebanese politicians across the ideological and ethnic spectrum have begun
pandering to the public by openly calling for Aoun's return. Most recently, on
January 2, Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri pledged on state television to
"guarantee that he will not be arrested" if he returns to the country.
However, Damascus quickly stepped in to thwart the initiative. Sources in Syria
say that the Assad regime is not expected to take the risk of permitting Aoun's
return in the foreseeable future.
Back from exile to a hero's
homecoming
Lebanon's
exiled Christian opposition leader and Syria's arch-foe Michel Aoun, who is
heading to hero's homecoming on Saturday, May 7, 2005, is eyeing a new political
role after the departure of Syrian troops from the country.
A soldier turned politician, Aoun, 70, was booted out of Lebanon in 1990 by the
Syrian army, which he had bitterly fought but failed to crush, and forced into
15 years of exile in France. His fortunes changed dramatically on April 26 of
this year when the last Syrian troops quit Lebanon.
A balding, no-nonsense army general and former prime minister, Aoun was one of
the first Lebanese voices to arise against Syria military presence in Lebanon
during the harrowing days of the 1975-1990 civil war. He commanded army units
that clashed with Syrian troops, fought bitter battles against pro-Syrian
Lebanese Druze militias and even challenged the rule of the once-powerful
Lebanese Forces Christian combatants. In the unruly days of the civil war, Aoun,
like a knight on a white horse, charged single-handedly to retake Lebanon for
the Lebanese and impose law and order in the battered country.
Elie Salem, a former Lebanese foreign minister, once described him as a
"David to an infinite Goliath" and said this won Aoun the hearts of
Christians and Muslims alike.
Today his supporters among Lebanon's large Christian minority agree, even
comparing him to Charles de Gaulle returning to a liberated France in 1945 after
the last German soldier marched out. "General Aoun is our liberator. This
is the grandest title anyone can have. He worked unrelentlessly to rid us of
Syrian occupation during his exile," Caesar Abi Khalil, a staunch Aoun
supporter, told AFP. His critics who resent his airs of grandeur and populism
call him "Napoleon".
Aoun was born to a poor family in Haret Hraic, a working-class suburb home to
both Christians and Muslims, and had to quit school for one year for financial
reasons. He eventually enrolled in the military academy, graduating as an
artillery officer, and received further training in France and the United
States.In 1984, then president Amin Gemayel named him commander-in-chief of the
armed forces, making Aoun the youngest officer to head the army. Four years
later Aoun was propelled onto the political scene when Gemayel, 10 minutes
before the end of his presidential mandate, appointed the general head of a
transitional government tasked with preparing elections.
In 1989, Aoun declared war on Syria with the support of France and Iraqi
president Saddam Hussein, who supplied him with arms.
The battle dubbed "war of national liberation" lasted six months and
proved to be one of the bloodiest of Lebanon's history. It culminated in a
meeting of Lebanese politicians in the Saudi city of Taef where an agreement was
reached paving the way for the 1990 end of the civil war. It also provided a
legal basis for Syria's military presence in Lebanon, with the blessing of the
United States and France. Aoun rejected the Taef accord, refused to accept the
election of Lebanese president Elias Hrawi and remained defiantly entrenched in
the presidential palace.
His action won the hearts of thousands of Lebanese people from all factions and
religious communities.In December 1989 hundreds of thousands rallied to form a
human shield around the fortified palace as the Syrian army prepared to attack
the compound to force Aoun out.
Aoun surrendered in 1990 after a brutal Syrian air and ground attack against
areas under his control and sought political asylum in the French embassy in
Beirut. 10 months later he flew to France to start his exile.
Aoun's return is planned for Saturday, May 7, 2005, less than two weeks after
the Syrian army pulled out of Lebanon under international pressure, ending a
29-year military domination of its small neighbor, and ahead of legislative
elections. "It will be a historic day. It marks a return to sovereignty,
independence and freedom in Lebanon. I return as a civilian, a politician,"
Aoun, head of the Free Patriotic Movement, told AFP last month.
To his supporters within Lebanon's
Maronite Christian community, General Aoun, the former armed forces chief, kept
alight the torch of Lebanese nationalism during the dark days of Syrian
domination. To his detractors, the bloody "war of liberation" which he
waged against Syrian troops as interim prime minister between March 1989 and
October 1990 unnecessarily prolonged the suffering of Lebanon's 15-year civil
war.
Ahead of Saturday's homecoming, posters have appeared on the walls of Beirut
comparing it to the triumphant return of France's exiled World War II leader
Charles De Gaulle after the expulsion of German troops. "De Gaulle 1945,
Aoun 2005," proclaimed one poster put up by his supporters.
Aoun himself has made no secret of his political ambitions now that his Syrian
foes have gone. "The job that goes to the Christians (under Lebanon's
unwritten constitution) is that of president," Aoun told AFP last month.
"If there is a national consensus, I will assume my responsibilities at
that time," he said.
In a separate interview with Beirut's top selling newspaper An-Nahar, he said he
had big plans for Lebanon. "My ambition is to achieve something big, not
political toying," he said, adding that he sensed a demand from the young
for him to return "to achieve their objectives" of freedom and
democracy. "The resistance to occupation is over and we must now engage in
a new battle to liberate the Lebanese so that they can learn to make their own
choices," he said in an interview published on his website.
Legal clearance
A Lebanese court suspended on Thursday, May 5, 2005, an arrest warrant against General Aoun, paving the way for his return from France which many here fear could disrupt Lebanon's fragile political structure. The court also decided to delay a ruling in a 2003 case against Aoun, who is due to return to Beirut on Saturday, over comments that were deemed to have damaged Lebanon's relations with Syria. "The criminal court of Beirut decided to freeze the arrest warrant issued in absentia against General Aoun on October 24, 2003, as well as its terms, and to postpone a verdict in this case until July 5, 2005," a judicial source said.
In
testimony to the US congress in September 2003 the staunch anti-Syrian former
army commander, who headed a caretaker military government during the 1975-1990
civil war, accused Syria of masterminding the assassinations of two Lebanese
presidents during the war. His remarks helped pave the way for Washington's
adoption of sanctions against Syria. Lebanon has said his statements were
damaging to its relations with its political masters in Syria, which completed
last week a military pullout from Lebanon after a presence lasting 29 years.
On Wednesday, May 4, 2005, a court dropped three other charges against Aoun in a case dating back from 1990 which included usurping power for staying at the helm of a caretaker government even after the election of then president Elias Hrawi, embezzling funds and unlawful political activity.
The Road Ahead
With Syria out of Lebanon, Aoun's expected return is raising problems in a country mired in complex political and religious sensitivities that is gearing up for much-anticipated legislative elections from May 29. The Free Patriotic Movement which Aoun heads is determined to overhaul Lebanese politics and impose secularism, and he is also eyeing the presidency. "We must change the political habits of Lebanon in order to transform it into a modern state," Aoun said in one of the numerous interviews he has given ahead of his much-touted return. He has also repeatedly accused unidentified members of the Lebanese opposition of "treachery". n Tuesday, May 3, 2005, he renewed his accusations and said that some opposition leaders had secretly accepted a controversial electoral law passed under Syrian domination in 2000 unfavorable to the Christians.
The opposition, Christians and Muslim alike, have publicly called for Aoun's return, but the two sides failed to agree on a united agenda for a smooth political transition after the Syrian pullout to prepare for the elections. "Lebanese politicians are in a panic mode," a Western diplomat based in Beirut told AFP. Charles Ghostine, an ex-official of the dissolved Lebanese Forces Christian militia which fought Aoun's group during the civil war, said Aoun was the only opposition leader who has vocally stood up for political reforms. "He is against the current political leadership," said Ghostine. "In the Christian camp the same political families control the scene. Positions are obtained as an inheritance." Dory Chamoun, head of the National Liberal Party, another Christian opposition party, and son of former president Camille Chamoun, said Aoun is a loner. "Aoun always worked alone in order to distinguish himself. He wants to impose his will," Chamoun said, warning that if Aoun "fails to rein in his young supporters, his comeback will have negative repercussions".
Supporters of the balding 70-year-old are already planning celebrations for his return and credit him for having rid Lebanon of Syrian troops. Some even compare him General Charles de Gaulle who made a triumphant comeback returning to a liberated France in 1945 after the last German soldier marched out